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In an op-ed piece published in The Washington Post, Richard Goldstone wrote:
Reconsidering the Goldstone Report on Israel and war crimes - The Washington Post
This concession that the writing of the report "was in no way a judicial or even quasi-judicial proceeding" is important. One of the major criticisms of the report--and I share those criticisms--is that it went beyond principles of international law e.g., offering novel interpretations that the Hamas police officers targeted early in the military operation were civilians, even as those individuals did not meet the strict criteria that defines a civilian. Moreover, it should be noted that NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch carry out non-judicial work. Hence, what one has are admissions that the UN carried out an exercise that was redundant with work that a number of NGOs typically undertake and that the Goldstone report lacks judicial merit (something its critics understood from the onset).
Finally, the author outlines what can only be described as exceptional naivete. He writes, "At minimum I hoped that in the face of a clear finding that its members were committing serious war crimes, Hamas would curtail its attacks." Revolutionary terrorist groups i.e., Hezbollah, Hamas, Al Qaeda, etc., have not been known to recoil when confronted with principles of international law. They do not find themselves bound by the customary legal framework that binds nations. They don't recognize obligations to a framework that they view as an obstacle to the pursuit of their long-run goals. The expectation that "Hamas would curtail its attacks" reveals an extraordinary lack of understanding, both of revolutionary groups/movements in general, and Hamas in particular.
In the end, if the UN wants to become a credible player in trying to promote conduct that complies with international law, it should ensure that all of its activities toward that end have the necessary judicial rigor. That was not the case with the Goldstone report.
Some have charged that the process we followed did not live up to judicial standards. To be clear: Our mission was in no way a judicial or even quasi-judicial proceeding. We did not investigate criminal conduct on the part of any individual in Israel, Gaza or the West Bank. We made our recommendations based on the record before us, which unfortunately did not include any evidence provided by the Israeli government. Indeed, our main recommendation was for each party to investigate, transparently and in good faith, the incidents referred to in our report. McGowan Davis has found that Israel has done this to a significant degree; Hamas has done nothing.
Some have suggested that it was absurd to expect Hamas, an organization that has a policy to destroy the state of Israel, to investigate what we said were serious war crimes. It was my hope, even if unrealistic, that Hamas would do so, especially if Israel conducted its own investigations. At minimum I hoped that in the face of a clear finding that its members were committing serious war crimes, Hamas would curtail its attacks. Sadly, that has not been the case. Hundreds more rockets and mortar rounds have been directed at civilian targets in southern Israel. That comparatively few Israelis have been killed by the unlawful rocket and mortar attacks from Gaza in no way minimizes the criminality. The U.N. Human Rights Council should condemn these heinous acts in the strongest terms.
Reconsidering the Goldstone Report on Israel and war crimes - The Washington Post
This concession that the writing of the report "was in no way a judicial or even quasi-judicial proceeding" is important. One of the major criticisms of the report--and I share those criticisms--is that it went beyond principles of international law e.g., offering novel interpretations that the Hamas police officers targeted early in the military operation were civilians, even as those individuals did not meet the strict criteria that defines a civilian. Moreover, it should be noted that NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch carry out non-judicial work. Hence, what one has are admissions that the UN carried out an exercise that was redundant with work that a number of NGOs typically undertake and that the Goldstone report lacks judicial merit (something its critics understood from the onset).
Finally, the author outlines what can only be described as exceptional naivete. He writes, "At minimum I hoped that in the face of a clear finding that its members were committing serious war crimes, Hamas would curtail its attacks." Revolutionary terrorist groups i.e., Hezbollah, Hamas, Al Qaeda, etc., have not been known to recoil when confronted with principles of international law. They do not find themselves bound by the customary legal framework that binds nations. They don't recognize obligations to a framework that they view as an obstacle to the pursuit of their long-run goals. The expectation that "Hamas would curtail its attacks" reveals an extraordinary lack of understanding, both of revolutionary groups/movements in general, and Hamas in particular.
In the end, if the UN wants to become a credible player in trying to promote conduct that complies with international law, it should ensure that all of its activities toward that end have the necessary judicial rigor. That was not the case with the Goldstone report.
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