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The way i see it many people simply do not understand what conservatism is about particularly political and social conservatism.
So I thought I'd start a thread focusing on social and political conservatism, despite my laziness on thread making, so as to highlight what those who walk in the tradition of Burke actually believe. Three great explanatory works are these:
The Kirk Center - Ten
Conservative Principles by Russell Kirk
Conservatives and Libertarians: Uneasy Cousins
Edmund Burke: Reflections on the Revolution in France
The first two at least are readable quite quickly. They explain the conservative view of society quite well.
Certain interesting selections include Kirk's explanation of the importance of custom, tradition and convention --- a frequently misunderstood part of conservatism.
Conservatives are champions of custom, convention, and continuity because they prefer the devil they know to the devil they don’t know. Order and justice and freedom, they believe, are the artificial products of a long social experience, the result of centuries of trial and reflection and sacrifice. Thus the body social is a kind of spiritual corporation, comparable to the church; it may even be called a community of souls. Human society is no machine, to be treated mechanically. The continuity, the life-blood, of a society must not be interrupted. Burke’s reminder of the necessity for prudent change is in the mind of the conservative. But necessary change, conservatives argue, ought to he gradual and discriminatory, never unfixing old interests at once.
He also interestingly shows a common conservative point on inequality, uniformity and diversity:
Fifth, conservatives pay attention to the principle of variety. They feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions and modes of life, as distinguished from the narrowing uniformity and deadening egalitarianism of radical systems. For the preservation of a healthy diversity in any civilization, there must survive orders and classes, differences in material condition, and many sorts of inequality. The only true forms of equality are equality at the Last Judgment and equality before a just court of law; all other attempts at levelling must lead, at best, to social stagnation. Society requires honest and able leadership; and if natural and institutional differences are destroyed, presently some tyrant or host of squalid oligarchs will create new forms of inequality.
Also Nisbet explains the conservative view on authority and its relationship with liberty as well as the necessary restraint that a social order must place on the individual for a prosperous and free society.
The conservative philosophy of liberty proceeds from the conservative philosophy of authority. It is the existence of authority in the social order that staves off encroachments of power from the political sphere. Conservatism, from Burke on, has perceived society as a plurality of authorities. There is the authority of parent over the small child, of the priest over the communicant, the teacher over the pupil, the master over the apprentice, and so on. Society as we actually observe it, is a network or tissue of such authorities; they are really numberless when we think of the kinds of authority which lie within even the smallest of human groups and relationships. Such authority may be loose, gentle, protective, and designed to produce individuality, but it is authority nevertheless. For the conservative, individual freedom lies in the interstices of social and moral authority. Only because of the restraining and guiding efforts of such authority does it become possible for human beings to sustain so liberal a political government as that which the Founding Fathers designed in this country and which flourished in England from the late seventeenth century on. Remove the social bonds, as the more zealous and uncompromising of libertarian individualists have proposed ever since William Godwin, and you emerge with, not a free but a chaotic people, not with creative but impotent individuals. Human nature, Balzac correctly wrote, cannot endure a moral vacuum.
Anyway I hope that is enough to educate and start debate because as I said I'm a little lazy when it comes to starting threads.
Note: Kirk mentions a divine order and such several times, the purpose of this thread is not a debate over the existence of god or anything similar. It is not necessary for this discussion so let's avoid that area please.
So I thought I'd start a thread focusing on social and political conservatism, despite my laziness on thread making, so as to highlight what those who walk in the tradition of Burke actually believe. Three great explanatory works are these:
The Kirk Center - Ten
Conservative Principles by Russell Kirk
Conservatives and Libertarians: Uneasy Cousins
Edmund Burke: Reflections on the Revolution in France
The first two at least are readable quite quickly. They explain the conservative view of society quite well.
Certain interesting selections include Kirk's explanation of the importance of custom, tradition and convention --- a frequently misunderstood part of conservatism.
Conservatives are champions of custom, convention, and continuity because they prefer the devil they know to the devil they don’t know. Order and justice and freedom, they believe, are the artificial products of a long social experience, the result of centuries of trial and reflection and sacrifice. Thus the body social is a kind of spiritual corporation, comparable to the church; it may even be called a community of souls. Human society is no machine, to be treated mechanically. The continuity, the life-blood, of a society must not be interrupted. Burke’s reminder of the necessity for prudent change is in the mind of the conservative. But necessary change, conservatives argue, ought to he gradual and discriminatory, never unfixing old interests at once.
He also interestingly shows a common conservative point on inequality, uniformity and diversity:
Fifth, conservatives pay attention to the principle of variety. They feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions and modes of life, as distinguished from the narrowing uniformity and deadening egalitarianism of radical systems. For the preservation of a healthy diversity in any civilization, there must survive orders and classes, differences in material condition, and many sorts of inequality. The only true forms of equality are equality at the Last Judgment and equality before a just court of law; all other attempts at levelling must lead, at best, to social stagnation. Society requires honest and able leadership; and if natural and institutional differences are destroyed, presently some tyrant or host of squalid oligarchs will create new forms of inequality.
Also Nisbet explains the conservative view on authority and its relationship with liberty as well as the necessary restraint that a social order must place on the individual for a prosperous and free society.
The conservative philosophy of liberty proceeds from the conservative philosophy of authority. It is the existence of authority in the social order that staves off encroachments of power from the political sphere. Conservatism, from Burke on, has perceived society as a plurality of authorities. There is the authority of parent over the small child, of the priest over the communicant, the teacher over the pupil, the master over the apprentice, and so on. Society as we actually observe it, is a network or tissue of such authorities; they are really numberless when we think of the kinds of authority which lie within even the smallest of human groups and relationships. Such authority may be loose, gentle, protective, and designed to produce individuality, but it is authority nevertheless. For the conservative, individual freedom lies in the interstices of social and moral authority. Only because of the restraining and guiding efforts of such authority does it become possible for human beings to sustain so liberal a political government as that which the Founding Fathers designed in this country and which flourished in England from the late seventeenth century on. Remove the social bonds, as the more zealous and uncompromising of libertarian individualists have proposed ever since William Godwin, and you emerge with, not a free but a chaotic people, not with creative but impotent individuals. Human nature, Balzac correctly wrote, cannot endure a moral vacuum.
Anyway I hope that is enough to educate and start debate because as I said I'm a little lazy when it comes to starting threads.
Note: Kirk mentions a divine order and such several times, the purpose of this thread is not a debate over the existence of god or anything similar. It is not necessary for this discussion so let's avoid that area please.
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