In fact it is you who has it wrong. This is a government of the people, and the people, acting through their elected representatives in Congress, have the final say on what anything in the Constitution means. There is a good reason the Constitution deals with Congress in Article I, with the executive branch in article II, and leaves the Supreme Court for Article III. Tje judicial branch was always meant to be by far the weakest of the three. Nothing in the Constitution makes it the final arbiter of what any part of that Constitution means. The Court has arrogated that power to itself in its decisions.
Only one Supreme Court justice has ever been impeached, but we could impeach and remove any or all of them, if enough of us insisted on it loudly enough. And soon after the Civil War Congress showed, in Ex Parte McCardle, that it can completely remove the Supreme Court's jurisdiction over a case--and therefore its power to decide it. Also, the president may decline to enforce a Supreme Court decision, as President Lincoln did with the notorious Dred Scott v. Sandford. The notion that the American people have no choice but to sit still and take whatever outrage the Supreme Court may choose to inflict on us is a falsehood pushed by statists who want the Court to help them implement their utopian social schemes.
About twenty years ago, Congress did something very much what you would have us believe it cannot do. It enacted, by large majorities of both Houses, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. And that law clearly states its purpose is to restore the broad interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment that the Court followed in Sherbert v. Verner and Wisconsin v. Yoder. The Court had drastically restricted the protection of the right to free exercise of religion in a 1990 decision, Employment Division v. Smith, shocking many Americans, and they wanted the earlier, broader protection restored.
The Court held in City of Boerne v. Flores in 1997 that Congress could not use the RFRA to substitute its interpretation of the Constitution for the Court's own--but only as applied to the states. The Court could not have made more clear that it follows the RFRA's interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause in federal matters than it did not so long ago in the Hobby Lobby case. In that case, the Court held that a HHS rule on contraceptives was invalid because it failed to meet the Sherbert-Yoder "compelling interest" standard that the RFRA imposes.
If Congress can tell the Court how it wants it to interpret the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment as it did in certain earlier decisions, it can also tell the Court it wants it to interpret the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment as is did in an earlier decision. Stare decisis is not an inviolable rule--it would not be an obstacle to change, if Congress made very clear it did not want it to be.