Agnapostate
Banned
- Joined
- Sep 18, 2008
- Messages
- 5,497
- Reaction score
- 912
- Location
- Between Hollywood and Compton.
- Gender
- Male
- Political Leaning
- Libertarian
The economic crisis of the past year, centered as it has been in the financial sector that lies at the heart of American capitalism, is bound to leave some lasting marks. Financial regulation, the role of large banks, and the relationships between the government and key players in the market will never be the same.
More important, however, are the ways in which public attitudes about our system might change. The nature of the crisis, and of the government's response, now threaten to undermine the public's sense of the fairness, justice, and legitimacy of democratic capitalism. By allowing the conditions that made the crisis possible (particularly the concentration of power in a few large institutions), and by responding to the crisis as we have (especially with massive government bailouts of banks and large corporations), the United States today risks moving in the direction of European corporatism and the crony capitalism of more statist regimes. This, in turn, endangers America's unique brand of capitalism, which has thus far avoided becoming associated in the public mind with entrenched corruption, and has therefore kept this country relatively free of populist anti-capitalist sentiment.
Are such changes now beginning? And if so, will they mark only a temporary reaction to an extreme economic downturn, or a deeper and more damaging shift in American attitudes? Some early indications are not encouraging.
[...]
Examples?The key difference that I see is that heavily state-influenced capitalism has always been the only form in existence,
evidence?with laissez-faire "free market" capitalism being a theoretical abstraction with no value outside of the textbook,
examples?whereas socialism and communism have been legitimately implemented in libertarian conditions,
Examples?
evidence?
This paper argues that the government possesses certain unique features that allow it to restrict competition, and provide stable and reliable conditions under which firms organise, compete, cooperate and exchange. The coordinating perspective is employed to re-examine the arguments for industrial policies regarding private investment decisions, market competition, diffusion of technologies and tariff protection on infant industries. This paper concludes that dynamic private enterprises assisted by government coordination policies explains the rapid economic growths in post-war Japan and the Asian newly industrialising economies.
[The government] possesses some unique features that distinguish it from the firm. Such features allows the government to regulate competition, reduce uncertainty and provide a relatively stable exchange environment. Specifically, in the area of industrial policy, the government can help private enterprises tackle uncertainty in the following ways: first, locating the focal point by initiating projects; providing assurance and guarantees to the large investment project; and facilitating the exchange of information; second, reducing excessive competition by granting exclusive rights; and third, facilitating learning and diffusion of technologies, and assisting infant industry firms to build up competence. The history of developmental success indicates that the market and the state are not opposed forms of social organisation, but interactively linked (Rodrik, 1997, p. 437). In the prospering and dynamic nations, public-private coordination tends to prevail. Dynamic private enterprises assisted by government coordination explain the successful economic performances in the post-war Japan and the Asian newly industrialising economies. It is their governments' consistent and coordinated attentiveness to the economic problems that differentiates the entrepreneurial states (Yu, 1997) from the predatory states (Boaz and Polak, 1997).
examples?
In Spain, during almost three years, despite a civil war that took a million lives, despite the opposition of the political parties . . . this idea of libertarian communism was put into effect. Very quickly more than 60% of the land was very quickly collectively cultivated by the peasants themselves, without landlords, without bosses, and without instituting capitalist competition to spur production. In almost all the industries, factories, mills, workshops, transportation services, public services, and utilities, the rank and file workers, their revolutionary committees, and their syndicates reorganized and administered production, distribution, and public services without capitalists, high-salaried managers, or the authority of the state.
Even more: the various agrarian and industrial collectives immediately instituted economic equality in accordance with the essential principle of communism, 'From each according to his ability and to each according to his needs.' They coordinated their efforts through free association in whole regions, created new wealth, increased production (especially in agriculture), built more schools, and bettered public services. They instituted not bourgeois formal democracy but genuine grass roots functional libertarian democracy, where each individual participated directly in the revolutionary reorganization of social life. They replaced the war between men, 'survival of the fittest,' by the universal practice of mutual aid, and replaced rivalry by the principle of solidarity . . .
This experience, in which about eight million people directly or indirectly participated, opened a new way of life to those who sought an alternative to anti-social capitalism on the one hand, and totalitarian state bogus socialism on the other.
The aforementioned point about infant industries is perhaps the most illustrative aspect of the role of state protectionism in facilitating maximum development because of the simplicity of the infant industries argument. Rather than merely permitting the benefits of immediate unrestricted trade accrue to the benefit of one more powerful nation due to underdevelopment, a government protection of infant industries is established until such time as they "grow up" and can thus be expected to be legitimately competitive industries, thus maximizing dynamic comparative advantage in the long run. I'm certainly in favor of drastically minimizing and ultimately eliminating the role of the government in public affairs. But that objective is not consistent with the continuation of capitalism.
An anarchist defending tariffs. Hilarious.
Many of us are consequentialists, and will distinguish between state programs that provide generally positive consequences and state programs that provide generally negative consequences due to our socialist interest in aiding the working class. That said...I've considered supporting extreme rightism, since I know it would lead to the destabilization of capitalism. Should we let the bad times roll?
Hmm, then what are your deontological beliefs?
More important, however, are the ways in which public attitudes about our system might change. The nature of the crisis, and of the government's response, now threaten to undermine the public's sense of the fairness, justice, and legitimacy of democratic capitalism.
Bailouts and stimuli are not capitalism. You may say that capitalism is doomed to these things, but once these things go into effect, then you no longer have capitalism. If there's any system to blame, it's corporatism, not capitalism. I think you share my sentiments on corporatism though.
That's the exact position of the article, which you don't appear to have read. Capitalism necessitates the private ownership of the means of production, market exchange as the primary means of resource allocation, and wage labor, all three of which continue to be present in our existing economic structure. Reference to the absence of laissez-faire conditions is purposeless, since "free market" capitalism remains a theoretical abstraction with no historical record of existence or practical implementation, as mentioned. Unless you want to claim that capitalism has never existed, I wouldn't use it as your standard.
The nature of the crisis, and of the government's response, now threaten to undermine the public's sense of the fairness, justice, and legitimacy of democratic capitalism.
It's entirely possible, maybe even probable, that the general public has no idea what capitalism really is. We have had a quasi-capitalistic system since at least as far back as the early 20th century. Public sentiment has very little to do with reality.
It hasn't fully existed, but can I argue that the basis of the crash is government intervention and not capitalism? Easily.
An artificially low interest rate is a lack of intervention? Interesting.
Which largely seems to be a distinct LACK of regulation regarding certain financial markets and even a general "easing" of regulation regarding them.
True. I completely agree however the creation of the investment tools that are believed to actually caused the housing crisis were the sole ownership of private industry. In essence Private Industry was under no duress (other than mere greed) to choose riskier investment vs. a stable (albeit dismal) Federal return rate.
EDIT: "I agree that an artificially low interest rate IS Gov't Intervention"
But would those have been so popular with a more natural interest rate?
To answer it with any accuracy, let us assume a time without a nationalized central banking authority. Did asset bubbles exist? Were there major impacts of the business cycle?
However, this seems to me to be a slippery slope. It can perhaps sound to some to be similar (if not identical in philosophy) to a rapist defending his actions by inferring that his actions were motivated by sexually provocative clothing or behaviors on behalf of the victim.
Doesn't necessarily give you an answer though because not all other variables are controlled. For example, fractional reserve banking is theorized to lead to bubbles, and it existed then as it does now. So, eliminating central banking wouldn't necessarily avoid bubbles.
Austrian sentiment that asset bubbles are created by artificially low interest rates is incorrect. For it to hold true, low federal funds rates would have to precede all bubbles.
They don't have to cause all bubbles however, they still often can
That's the exact position of the article, which you don't appear to have read. Capitalism necessitates the private ownership of the means of production, market exchange as the primary means of resource allocation, and wage labor, all three of which continue to be present in our existing economic structure.
Reference to the absence of laissez-faire conditions is purposeless, since "free market" capitalism remains a theoretical abstraction with no historical record of existence or practical implementation, as mentioned. Unless you want to claim that capitalism has never existed, I wouldn't use it as your standard.
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