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In an interview published in the Financial Times, Georgia’s President Mikheil Saakashvili claims of the recent conflict with Russia, “The first thing that happened was that the Russian tanks came in… We almost had an ideology here, no matter what [the separatists do] we don’t respond in South Ossetia.” President Saakashvili’s latest assessment, which clashes with the facts that have been widely reported, is not constructive.
The evidence shows that Georgia, not Russia, initiated the most recent military hostilities in South Ossetia. On August 8, 2008, The Chicago Tribune reported, “Just hours after Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili declared a cease-fire with South Ossetian separatist troops, Georgian military forces unleashed a barrage of shelling on the province's capital, Tskhinvali, late Thursday and early Friday. By the morning, Georgian tanks had entered the South Ossetian capital.”
If Georgia had a policy of “no matter what” South Ossetia’s separatists do, “we don’t respond,” then why did Georgia launch a military operation against South Ossetia and Tskhinvali? If “the first thing that happened was that the Russian tanks came in,” then why did news reports concerning the outbreak of fighting reveal the arrival of Georgian tanks in Tskhinvali rather than Russian ones in South Ossetia? All said, Georgia had launched military operations. It did so either to improve its bargaining position in South Ossetia or possibly to try to resolve the political status of that breakaway region through military force.
In the wake of that disastrous endeavor, Georgia has very likely lost any opportunity for a return to the status quo ante, much less the prospect that it will be able to retain those two breakaway provinces in a future political settlement. President Saakashvili’s misleading commentary—perhaps intended to deflect the responsibility he bears from what amounted to an incredibly reckless decision, so as to shore up his political standing ahead of a potential domestic political struggle that could lie ahead—is diminishing what diplomatic possibilities still remain for a reasonable settlement. Furthermore, as the residents of South Ossetia are intimately familiar with what happened, his narrative reduces the already low prospect that South Ossetia’s political leadership would agree to any arrangement that would keep their breakaway province under the jurisdiction of Tbilisi, regardless of the extent of political autonomy that Tbilisi offers.
When it comes to diplomacy, trust is an essential intangible ingredient. For parties to enter into agreements, they need to have a sufficient degree of confidence that their interlocutors have the capacity and willingness to make a good faith effort to uphold the terms of any agreements that the parties might reach. When trust is lacking, opportunities for diplomacy are undermined. In general, barring matters that might take precedence over a trust deficit e.g., an imbalance of power, parties do not enter into commitments that they reasonably doubt will be honored by the other side. In this case, Georgia has the weaker hand in terms of power, so it is only undermining its own prospects given Russia’s far stronger position. Its revisionist narrative concerning the ceasefire agreement it shattered has also given South Ossetia’s residents little reason to trust Tbilisi to honor any autonomy arrangements under which South Ossetia would remain within Georgia’s political framework.
Now, each new outburst from the Georgian President makes it less likely that an already wary Russia will take meaningful risks to enter into agreements with a leader Russia does not trust. Instead, Russia might reserve any meaningful concessions for a future Georgian leadership. Furthermore, Russia finds itself in an even stronger position to insist on self-determination for the peoples of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and any future political framework will likely be founded on that principle.
In the larger geopolitical framework, President Saakashvili’s persistent misrepresentation of the circumstances that led to the recent conflict risks squandering what public support he still enjoys within the West. It also makes potential NATO membership for Georgia an even riskier proposition.
Already, some Western leaders have already begun reaching out to Georgia’s political opposition. Geopolitical stability in the volatile Caucasus region is important. Both the West and Russia share an interest in such stability. In the end, diplomatic efforts will more than likely place greater emphasis on advancing such stability than nursing President Saakashvili’s self-inflicted political wounds.
What decisions the European Union (EU) makes in its September 1 discussion on Georgia will offer fresh insight into how things are beginning to evolve. My initial guess is that President Saakashvili will not find the uncompromising and non-negotiable support from the EU that he likely craves.
Instead, one will witness a balance of criticism for Russia’s presence on Georgian soil outside of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, restraint when it comes to implementing concrete punitive measures, and flexibility on the part of the European Union to accept a political reality that diverges from the status quo ante President Saakashvili wrecked with his military operation in South Ossetia.
The evidence shows that Georgia, not Russia, initiated the most recent military hostilities in South Ossetia. On August 8, 2008, The Chicago Tribune reported, “Just hours after Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili declared a cease-fire with South Ossetian separatist troops, Georgian military forces unleashed a barrage of shelling on the province's capital, Tskhinvali, late Thursday and early Friday. By the morning, Georgian tanks had entered the South Ossetian capital.”
If Georgia had a policy of “no matter what” South Ossetia’s separatists do, “we don’t respond,” then why did Georgia launch a military operation against South Ossetia and Tskhinvali? If “the first thing that happened was that the Russian tanks came in,” then why did news reports concerning the outbreak of fighting reveal the arrival of Georgian tanks in Tskhinvali rather than Russian ones in South Ossetia? All said, Georgia had launched military operations. It did so either to improve its bargaining position in South Ossetia or possibly to try to resolve the political status of that breakaway region through military force.
In the wake of that disastrous endeavor, Georgia has very likely lost any opportunity for a return to the status quo ante, much less the prospect that it will be able to retain those two breakaway provinces in a future political settlement. President Saakashvili’s misleading commentary—perhaps intended to deflect the responsibility he bears from what amounted to an incredibly reckless decision, so as to shore up his political standing ahead of a potential domestic political struggle that could lie ahead—is diminishing what diplomatic possibilities still remain for a reasonable settlement. Furthermore, as the residents of South Ossetia are intimately familiar with what happened, his narrative reduces the already low prospect that South Ossetia’s political leadership would agree to any arrangement that would keep their breakaway province under the jurisdiction of Tbilisi, regardless of the extent of political autonomy that Tbilisi offers.
When it comes to diplomacy, trust is an essential intangible ingredient. For parties to enter into agreements, they need to have a sufficient degree of confidence that their interlocutors have the capacity and willingness to make a good faith effort to uphold the terms of any agreements that the parties might reach. When trust is lacking, opportunities for diplomacy are undermined. In general, barring matters that might take precedence over a trust deficit e.g., an imbalance of power, parties do not enter into commitments that they reasonably doubt will be honored by the other side. In this case, Georgia has the weaker hand in terms of power, so it is only undermining its own prospects given Russia’s far stronger position. Its revisionist narrative concerning the ceasefire agreement it shattered has also given South Ossetia’s residents little reason to trust Tbilisi to honor any autonomy arrangements under which South Ossetia would remain within Georgia’s political framework.
Now, each new outburst from the Georgian President makes it less likely that an already wary Russia will take meaningful risks to enter into agreements with a leader Russia does not trust. Instead, Russia might reserve any meaningful concessions for a future Georgian leadership. Furthermore, Russia finds itself in an even stronger position to insist on self-determination for the peoples of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and any future political framework will likely be founded on that principle.
In the larger geopolitical framework, President Saakashvili’s persistent misrepresentation of the circumstances that led to the recent conflict risks squandering what public support he still enjoys within the West. It also makes potential NATO membership for Georgia an even riskier proposition.
Already, some Western leaders have already begun reaching out to Georgia’s political opposition. Geopolitical stability in the volatile Caucasus region is important. Both the West and Russia share an interest in such stability. In the end, diplomatic efforts will more than likely place greater emphasis on advancing such stability than nursing President Saakashvili’s self-inflicted political wounds.
What decisions the European Union (EU) makes in its September 1 discussion on Georgia will offer fresh insight into how things are beginning to evolve. My initial guess is that President Saakashvili will not find the uncompromising and non-negotiable support from the EU that he likely craves.
Instead, one will witness a balance of criticism for Russia’s presence on Georgian soil outside of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, restraint when it comes to implementing concrete punitive measures, and flexibility on the part of the European Union to accept a political reality that diverges from the status quo ante President Saakashvili wrecked with his military operation in South Ossetia.