The closest I’ve come to commenting on the supposed “Demographic Wave” is that it overestimates the solidarity of all persons who identify as “not white.” Some brown people may not share the cultural imperatives of other brown people, much less favoring the imperatives of Black people.
None of us are going to live to see all Americans blend into a mocha sameness, and even if that happens, so what? Deprived of phenotypic differences, who would believe that humans will not still find other alliances over which to wrangle? It would have to be someone who knows nothing of the histories of whites fighting whites, blacks fighting blacks and so on.
Throughout all that I write from the first day I came into this forum I have tried to clarify my *range of concerns*. My core area of concern does not have a great deal to do with race considerations. It does to a degree though. It is important to present that degree fairly.
For this reason I have referred to an historical instance: the policy-change which has led to the situation we now are living in (1965 immigration reform). That is, the creation of the multi-cultural nation as a social ideal. This has now become a core American ideal. And America is the most influential and powerful nation.
It determines that thus-and-such (equity, gay rights, transgenderism, feminist values and ideology, abortion rights, the right of *women and girls* to determine their own life and future, and also American-style democracy, and American-style capitalist society) are *right & proper* and that to be just and good all other people must accept those predicates and those Values.
I have used the term (it is a poignant one) the
Americanopolis to refer to this assertion of Americanism
as a norm. It was established 200 years ago as such because of the genuine and important novelty of what America meant in world history. (It meant a great deal). Everyone understood that it was a new thing, and an important thing. And it really was (and is) on so many different levels).
But to understand the critique of this Americanism and the
Americanopolis one has to resolve to encounter those who are thinking in contrary terms. That is why I referred to Pierre Krebs and also to Alain de Benoist. These are European critical thinkers who write extensively within a category of political theory that is critical of aspects degenerate of liberalism. Not so much in ideology but in practice and tangible manifestation.
So it has to be established that the core territory in which concern is manifest is not America but Europe. These dissident ideas are European and they are ideas that involve critique of and reaction against what they see as perverse and degenerate notions bound up in Americanism and the
Americanopolis.
This is why it is sound on my part to refer to France (and by extension Germany, England, Italy, The Netherlands, etc.) There, different people with different societies, with different values, with different desires for different outcomes, examine the question of *race* within a larger, social, cultural and civilizational context.
So there they might not say “and even if that happens, so what?” I suggest that when your statement is examined it can be seen as a very specific statement about what should be valued and what should not be valued.
Apparently, to Renaud Camus and 25-40% of France today (I don’t think specific numbers exist, just general estimates) the people who comprise France are not saying, and may not ever say, “and so what?” They are exclaiming
concern.
So the issue becomes the right to hold to a value, the right to define a value. The whole issue of valuation (what to value and why?) enters in.