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Pacridge said:Why must you constantly try to use facts and numbers to prove your point? I heard there were 57 Billion great things that happened because we invaded Iraq. Oh wait, maybe Rush said "Trillion." Anyway it was a lot and it was great. So I'm sure you're wrong.
26 X World Champs said::applaud :rofl
Sadly, people will read your post and take it seriously!
26 X World Champs said:70 million? Really? Where was that? In Iraq the population is about 25 million? are you counting Afghanistan? That's about 14 million. Of course, in Iraq there are about 5 million Sunnis who do not consider themselves liberated?
Please tell me where the other 31 million plus people we've freed are, exactly?
Saved the lives of 'tens of thousands of Iraqis'? I believe more than 100 thousand Iraqis have died since we invaded? Does that add up to you? 10,000 is larger than 100,000?
Perhaps a course in math and ethics is called for? Surely NYU offers something like that? Try this one:
RightatNYU said:Numbers?
As of 2004, Iraq had 26 million, and Afghanistan had 28, not 14. If you want to count Lebanon, that's another 4 million. I should have said close to 60 million. My mistake.
You'd like to discuss numbers? Alright.
So then this story from Reuters is wrong, but you're unknown website is right?RightatNYU said:First off, the 100,000 civilian number that you spout was pure propaganda released by a later debunked survey right before the election. A more "accurate" number can be gotten from www.iraqbodycount.com , an anti-war source by any mean.
They claim between 17 and 19 thousand civilian deaths. Let's take the average, or 18.
Published on Thursday, October 28, 2004 by Reuters
100,000 Excess Iraqi Deaths Since War - Study
LONDON - Deaths of Iraqis have soared to 100,000 above normal since the Iraq war mainly due violence and many of the victims have been women and children, public health experts from the United States said Thursday.
"Making conservative assumptions, we think that about 100,000 excess deaths, or more have happened since the 2003 invasion of Iraq," researchers from Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore, Maryland said in a report published online by The Lancet medical journal.
"Violence accounted for most of the excess death and air strikes from (U.S.-led) coalition forces accounted for the most violent deaths," the report added.
The new figures, based on surveys done by the researchers in Iraq, are much higher than earlier estimates based on think tank and media sources which put the Iraqi civilian death toll at up to 16,053 and military fatalities as high as 6,370.
By comparison 848 U.S. military were killed in combat or attacks and another 258 died in accidents or incidents not related to fighting, according to the Pentagon.
"The risk of death from violence in the period after the invasion was 58 times higher than in the period before the war," Les Roberts and his colleagues said in the report which compared Iraqi deaths during 14.6 months before the invasion and the 17.8 months after it.
He added that violent deaths were widespread and were mainly attributed to coalition forces.
"Most individuals reportedly killed by coalition forces were women and children," Roberts added.
© Copyright 2004 Reuters Ltd
How many Iraqis died from 1998 until we invaded? I don't know, do you? Why 1998? That's when the inspectors went in and disarmed him. I think you're manipulating the numbers and you're way understating the real numbers that WE'VE KILLED since 2003.RightatNYU said:During Saddam's rule, he oversaw at a bare MINIMUM civilian executions of 600,000 people, verified by the international Human Rights Watch.
Saddam was in power for 24 years. 600000/24= 25,000 deaths a year.
That's 2083 a month, every single month of Saddam's reign.
32,000 Iraqi civilians escaped death ALREADY because of our actions in Iraq, and that number will only increase.
26 X World Champs said:I stand corrected re Afghanistan. Lebanon? I missed that we liberated them? I believe in credit where credit is due. However, calling Lebanon liberated is like when Bush said that the war in Iraq was over....it's untrue...
So then this story from Reuters is wrong, but you're unknown website is right?
RightatNYU said:1. The "unknown" website is actually the first one that comes up when you search for Iraqi Body Count. It is the longest running, and most comprehensive site on the net.
RightatNYU said:2. Just because something comes over Reuters doesnt mean it's true. It just means it was reported as news.
RightatNYU said:As to the 600,000 number? It's the most well documented and accepted number available. Here's a few places that cite it, just that I've found quickly:
http://www.gbn.com/ArticleDisplayServlet.srv?aid=2400&msp=1242
http://wais.stanford.edu/Iraq/iraq_deathsundersaddamhussein42503.html
Another 500,000 are estimated to have died in Saddam's needless war with Iran.
RightatNYU said:You say that in 1998, the inspectors went in and disarmed Saddam, so somehow that means that he wasn't killing his own people? None but 5000 of Saddam's murders were done with weapons that would have been limited by the inspectors, even if the inspectors were effective. He was shooting people, starving them, and beheading them.
RightatNYU said:You can obscure the facts all you want, but the truth is, less people are dying now than were before the war.
It matters because in the last 5 years the murders that were so plentiful before 1998 became a LOT smaller. He wasn't killing at the pace he used to kill. Plus, not to be cold, but that is not the reason we attacked Iraq. You're using it as a cover-up. We went in for WMDs, Nukes & OBL, remember?RightatNYU said:4. Why does it matter how many Iraqis Saddam killed after 1998, and what evidence do you have that it would be any different? He didn't suddenly stop oppressing the Kurds or ordering beheadings as soon as the UN weapon inspectors came in. You're just asking for a statistic that is inavailable and very unlikely to be consequential to divert attention from the fact that you're wrong about everything else.
That's really unfair. Imagine what you would be writing if Clinton bungled it like Bush? Please, be fair? The lack of planning, the lack of adequate troop strength, has directly resulted in thousands and thousands of Iraqis and Americans being killed. To shrug it off as 'best laid plans' is weak, really. People's lives are at stake here, its not a video game.RightatNYU said:5. You can complain all you want about "Bush's failures to plan the war." The best laid plans of war rarely survive the first battle. We can all wish that different things would have happened, but armchair quarterbacks always have that luxury.
I do not accept that as fact based on the receding amounts of Iraqi civilian casualties since 1998.RightatNYU said:The bottom line is that less Iraqis are dead now than would be if we had not invaded. Period. And there's not a single statistic that is reliable that you can offer to counter that.
It damn well better be! But who knows? Why? Religion can interfere in Iraq as it has in many other countries, and if it does all bets are off! Think about Afghanistan? When the Russians left don't you think people said what you said about 10 years hence? What happened there? You never know? Maybe the super pro-religious right in this country should look at the religion in government thing a little closer too?RightatNYU said:Put aside what's happening now. Do you honestly think, that in 10 years, Iraq will not be an infinitely better place to live than it was 10 years ago?
RightatNYU said:Regarding the way the war has been carried out: Do you really think that Bush sat down and decided what would happen? Or that anyone who was a partisan politician laid out battle plans? No.
What happened was, the JCOS and the generals sat down and decided what they, to the best of their knowledge, would do to carry out the war.
You don't really believe that? C'mon! That had zero to do with the decision making, it never came into play, sorry.RightatNYU said:I don't believe the war would have happened differently no matter who was President. If they had insisted on bringing more people, then there would have been a larger anti-war sentiment, which is the most effective weapon against the US military. All things have to be considered.
June 3, 1997
American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American interests in the new century.
We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.
As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?
We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the capital -- both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.
We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.
Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.
Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:
• we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global
responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;
• we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;
• we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;
• we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.
Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next.
Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb Bush
VP Dic* Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter Paula Dobriansky Steve Forbes
Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney Fred C. Ikle
Donald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby Norman Podhoretz
Dan Quayle Peter W. Rodman Stephen P. Rosen Henry S. Rowen
Donald Rumsfeld Vin Weber George Weigel Paul Wolfowitz
Further, the process of transformation,even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a new Pearl Harbor. Domestic politics and industrial policy will shape the pace and content of transformation as much as the requirements of current missions.
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