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Trump Is Our True National Emergency

W_Heisenberg

Trade Representative of Heard and McDonald Islands
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When the president claims everything is a national emergency, so that he can do whatever he wants, the courts need to regard that as the real emergency.

Illegal border crossings are an emergency. The Mexican cartels are an emergency. Failure to expedite mining and drilling on federal lands is an emergency. Illicit drugs coming in from Canada, China, and Mexico are an emergency (actually, three). The International Criminal Court is an emergency. The trade deficit is an emergency. Brazil’s prosecution of its former president, Jair Bolsonaro, is an emergency. Crime in Washington, D.C., is an emergency. Crime in Chicago and Baltimore may soon be emergencies too. “We’re going in,” President Donald Trump said Tuesday. “I didn’t say when.”

Trump has declared nine national emergencies under the 1976 National Emergencies Act, or NEA, during the seven months he’s been in office. That’s 1.3 emergencies per month. If we include crime in D.C., which Trump declared an emergency under a different law—the 1973 Home Rule Act—it’s an even 10. For now. “We may declare a national housing emergency in the fall,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told the Washington Examiner on Monday. That’s 11. Add Chicago and Baltimore, and it’s 13, assuming Trump doesn’t dream up more emergencies to declare in the interim.
During his first term it took Trump four long years to declare 13 emergencies, and some of them were actually real (most notably, Covid-19). Once a president declares a national emergency he may help himself to 137 different statutory powers, according to the nonprofit Brennan Center for Justice, which lists them here. It’s obvious Trump covets these.

Trump’s excessive use of emergency powers is itself an emergency. The best solution would be a definition explaining what “emergency” means under the NEA; the statute doesn’t furnish one. Mark Medish, writing in The New Republic in 2022, noted that legislation to curb presidential emergency powers then enjoyed bipartisan support and that Trump’s first term had demonstrated why it was so urgently needed. Fix the roof, Medish warned, while the sun is still shining. But Congress did not act, and now it’s raining cats and dogs and we’ve got pots out everywhere to catch the leaks.

 
Oligarchs are our true national emergency, but trump is a big part of it. But if trump fled to Russia tomorrow, it would probably actually worsen things, as Peter Thiel became president through Vance.
 
When the president claims everything is a national emergency, so that he can do whatever he wants, the courts need to regard that as the real emergency.

Illegal border crossings are an emergency. The Mexican cartels are an emergency. Failure to expedite mining and drilling on federal lands is an emergency. Illicit drugs coming in from Canada, China, and Mexico are an emergency (actually, three). The International Criminal Court is an emergency. The trade deficit is an emergency. Brazil’s prosecution of its former president, Jair Bolsonaro, is an emergency. Crime in Washington, D.C., is an emergency. Crime in Chicago and Baltimore may soon be emergencies too. “We’re going in,” President Donald Trump said Tuesday. “I didn’t say when.”

Trump has declared nine national emergencies under the 1976 National Emergencies Act, or NEA, during the seven months he’s been in office. That’s 1.3 emergencies per month. If we include crime in D.C., which Trump declared an emergency under a different law—the 1973 Home Rule Act—it’s an even 10. For now. “We may declare a national housing emergency in the fall,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told the Washington Examiner on Monday. That’s 11. Add Chicago and Baltimore, and it’s 13, assuming Trump doesn’t dream up more emergencies to declare in the interim.
During his first term it took Trump four long years to declare 13 emergencies, and some of them were actually real (most notably, Covid-19). Once a president declares a national emergency he may help himself to 137 different statutory powers, according to the nonprofit Brennan Center for Justice, which lists them here. It’s obvious Trump covets these.
I think we have to add the entire Republican Party to that emergency. They are not only complicit, they are a vigorously active participant in it.
 
When the president claims everything is a national emergency, so that he can do whatever he wants, the courts need to regard that as the real emergency.

Illegal border crossings are an emergency. The Mexican cartels are an emergency. Failure to expedite mining and drilling on federal lands is an emergency. Illicit drugs coming in from Canada, China, and Mexico are an emergency (actually, three). The International Criminal Court is an emergency. The trade deficit is an emergency. Brazil’s prosecution of its former president, Jair Bolsonaro, is an emergency. Crime in Washington, D.C., is an emergency. Crime in Chicago and Baltimore may soon be emergencies too. “We’re going in,” President Donald Trump said Tuesday. “I didn’t say when.”



Trump’s excessive use of emergency powers is itself an emergency. The best solution would be a definition explaining what “emergency” means under the NEA; the statute doesn’t furnish one. Mark Medish, writing in The New Republic in 2022, noted that legislation to curb presidential emergency powers then enjoyed bipartisan support and that Trump’s first term had demonstrated why it was so urgently needed. Fix the roof, Medish warned, while the sun is still shining. But Congress did not act, and now it’s raining cats and dogs and we’ve got pots out everywhere to catch the leaks.

The state of the U.S. is an emergency situation. The way democrats have run the nation when in control has caused waste, fraud, abuse throughout the government and the agencies within our government. We have an enormous debt and rising deficit spending that needs to be addressed but democrats do nothing but continue wasteful spending on ridiculous policies.
 
When the president claims everything is a national emergency, so that he can do whatever he wants, the courts need to regard that as the real emergency.
The President's claims of emergencies are supported by existing laws. Trump isn't doing "whatever he wants", he's doing what NEEDS TO BE DONE to deal with all of those issues you mention...issues that haven't been dealt with for more than 40 years by cowardly, crooked or corrupt administrations and Congresses.

Trump’s excessive use of emergency powers is itself an emergency. The best solution would be a definition explaining what “emergency” means under the NEA
Regarding the NEA and the lack of definition of an emergency, Congress did that deliberately.

Instead of creating a definition and then have the country run into a situation that is a real emergency but doesn't meet the definition, Congress gave the President the power to declare the emergency, explain it to Congress, in writing, within a certain time period and retained the power to declare the situation NOT an emergency and remove the President's power. (that's called "checks and balances")

Trump is complying with the law. If you have heartburn with him doing that, perhaps you should be pissing and moaning about Congress...not the President.
 
Trump is an emergency for democracy and the Constitution.
 
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The National Emergencies Act of 1976 is unconstitutional.
 
I honestly think America biggest problem is the gullibility of 77 million people.

I still can't believe he have that support after his first term.
 
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