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Even as I have expressed concern about the possible partisan nature of the Benghazi Select Committee, I believe the U.S. decision to help bring about regime change in Libya was a bad decision that served no meaningful U.S. interests. What I wrote back in 2011 (http://www.debatepolitics.com/break...nvolvement-libya-edited-2.html#post1059428996) in opposing U.S. military intervention still holds true today:
No matter the outcome in Libya's civil war, no critical U.S. interests or allies are threatened. The U.S. military should be used to safeguard critical U.S. interests and allies, not to pursue regime change for the sake of doing so. The revolution in Libya should be waged, won, or lost by Libyans. That it has not been won despite close-air support missions is due to gross incompetence (political and military) on the part of the anti-Gadhafi forces and the reality that the anti-Gadhafi forces do not enjoy the broad-based support of Libya's people and tribes. It is a narrow regional uprising with national aspirations, not a nationwide uprising. Many Libyans continue to oppose the rebels. Hence, even if the dictatorship is toppled, there will be high risk of a wider civil war (power vacuum and incompetence of the anti-Gadhafi movement, which incredibly enough has made no meaningful efforts to build broad-based support nor issued any defining documents truly laying out what it stands for). Long-term security arrangements and potentially costly nation-building would likely be required to avert or reduce that risk.
That Col. Gadhafi's regime is brutal and has been hostile to the U.S. in the past is true. However, it does not pose a credible imminent threat to critical U.S. interests and allies to justify U.S. military intervention. If the U.S. and NATO can obtain a verifiable ceasefire that protects Libya's civilian population, they should take it. It is not NATO's nor the United States' obligation to wage the revolution on behalf of any faction within Libya given the absence of compelling interests.
Tragically, the events since regime change have led to Libya's becoming a failed state and destabilizing force in what is already an unstable region. It's difficult to argue that Libya's people are better off today than they were under the authoritarian rule of Col. Gadhafi. What is clear is that Libya is now a bigger source of instability and that instability had adversely impacted U.S. interests and the interests of regional U.S. allies.
But how is 'critical interest' defined? When Lybian terrorists firebombed a bar and killed a number of Americans and allies, Reagan saw those people as our 'critical interest' and bombed Lybia in response. We didn't hear a peep out of Gadhafi for a very long time after that, he normalized diplomatic relations with the USA in the early 1990's, and our intervention in Iraq had Gadhafi scrambling to establish himself as a non threat and peaceful nation friendly to the USA. So when Lybian terrorists firebomb and kill four Americans, including our Ambassador, at one of our consulates, is that a 'critical interest'? Admittedly Obama and Clinton's decision for a regime change came before that terrible event and we could certainly think those two things were at least loosely connected. The shortsighted part of it was that initiating and promoting a regime change cannot be identified with any 'critical interest' of the USA.
Because of her inability to see things as they are, or unwillingness to honestly describe things as they are, I don't want Hillary Clinton to be President of the United States.
Using contested intelligence, a powerful adviser urges a president to wage a war of choice against a dictator; makes a bellicose joke when he is killed; declares the operation a success; fails to plan for a power vacuum; and watches Islamists gain power. That describes Dick Cheney and the Iraq War—and Hillary Clinton and the war in Libya.Clinton was criticized not just for the Iraq War vote that cost her the 2008 election, but also for the undeclared 2011 war that she urged in Libya.
The Obama Administration waged that war of choice in violation of the War Powers Resolution and despite the official opposition of the U.S. Congress.
She then put a positive gloss on the war’s outcome. “I'll say this for the Libyan people…” she said. “I think President Obama made the right decision at the time. And the Libyan people had a free election the first time since 1951. And you know what, they voted for moderates, they voted with the hope of democracy. Because of the Arab Spring, because of a lot of other things, there was turmoil to be followed.”
Yet the answer didn’t hurt the Democratic frontrunner. That’s because neither CNN moderators nor prospective Clinton supporters understand the magnitude of the catastrophe that occurred amid the predictable power vacuum that followed Ghadaffi’s ouster. “Libya today—in spite of the expectations we had at the time of the revolution—it’s much, much worse,” Karim Mezran, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, told Frontline. “Criminality is skyrocketing. Insecurity is pervasive. There are no jobs. It’s hard to get food and electricity. There’s fighting, there’s fear … I see very few bright spots.”
U.S. arms found their way into the hands of Islamists.
“Nearly three and a half years after Libyan rebels and a NATO air campaign overthrew Muammar al-Qaddafi, the cohesive political entity known as Libya doesn’t exist,”
Hillary Clinton Defends Intervention in Libya - The Atlantic
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