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Jonathan Adler and Abbe Gluck, who've spent years duking it out with each other over the ACA in the courts, are united in their contempt for the poorly reasoned "exercise in raw judicial power" that came out of Texas this week.
In particular, they've taken to the NYT to succinctly dismantle the absurdity of the severability determination made by that activist ideologue in Texas.
What the Lawless Obamacare Ruling Means
In particular, they've taken to the NYT to succinctly dismantle the absurdity of the severability determination made by that activist ideologue in Texas.
What the Lawless Obamacare Ruling Means
That’s not how the relevant law works. An established legal principle called “severability” is triggered when a court must consider what happens to a statute when one part of it is struck down. The principle presumes that, out of respect for the separation of powers, courts will leave the rest of the statute standing unless Congress makes clear it did not intend for the law to exist without the challenged provision. This is not a liberal principle or a conservative principle. It is an uncontroversial rule that every Supreme Court justice in modern history has applied.
Sometimes severability cases are difficult because it is hard to guess how much importance Congress attributed to one provision, especially in a lengthy law like the Affordable Care Act. But this is an easy case: It was Congress, not a court, that eliminated the mandate penalty and left the rest of the statute in place. How can a court conclude that Congress never intended the rest of the statute to exist without an operational mandate, when it was the 2017 Congress itself that decided it was fine to eliminate the penalty and leave the rest of the law intact?
The 55-page opinion devotes just two pages to the intention of the 2017 Congress. Instead, it relies on the perspective of the 2010 Congress that enacted the law, and two Supreme Court cases that were charged with asking questions about that 2010 Congress’s intent. While the dozens of pages rehearsing those old viewpoints may look superficially sound, that part of the opinion is smoke and mirrors, because the 2010 Congress’s intention is not relevant to this case — the 2010 law is no longer what is at issue.
Congress is allowed to amend its own law, and the Constitution does not permit any court to undermine that power. Still, Judge O’Connor wrote that we cannot divine the intent of the 2017 Congress because Congress didn’t have the votes to repeal the entire law but wished it could. That’s ridiculous. Congressional intent is all about the votes. One would not say Congress wished it could repeal the Civil Rights Act if only a minority of Congress supported such a move. It is conservative judicial doctrine 101, as repeatedly emphasized by Justice Antonin Scalia, that the best way to understand congressional intent is to look at the text Congress was able to get through the legislative process.
Instead, Judge O’Connor goes down a rabbit hole, hypothesizing whether the 2010 Congress would have enacted the entire law without the mandate and whether the law can function without it. What findings Congress made in 2010 are irrelevant to the interpretation of this later legislative act. Regardless, Congress’s own act of 2017 makes clear Congress thinks the law works without an operational mandate. To believe otherwise is to assume Congress enacts unworkable laws and that is not what courts are allowed to presume. Judge O’Connor’s claim to the contrary is the equivalent of saying that your 2017 tax cut isn’t valid because the 2010 Congress also enacted a tax bill, and wouldn’t have included your tax cut there.