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you're biased though.
My assessments are clear-headed and accurate. Your posts continue to support my assessments.
you're biased though.
You've accused me of being a "fascist" and when challenged to provide specific details to justify that you avoid answering.My assessments are clear-headed and accurate. Your posts continue to support my assessments.
You've accused me of being a "fascist" and when challenged to provide specific details to justify that you avoid answering.
That says it all.
Never once. Please quote where or dont lie.
The current supreme court 9-0 disagrees with all of the boldedAbortion is homicide by definition. My right to privacy does not excuse any homicide, nor should anyone else's. When the RvW decision laid out particulars on when abortion is legal and when it isn't, it created law. Creating laws is the role of the legislature, not SCOTUS.
Of course he doenst like women...because they dont like him.The most obvious nazi on the board. What a dick.
Yes, the right to abortion is neither explicitly stated / mentioned nor implicitly protected by any words or combination of words contained in ANY provision of the Constitution -- it is a double-edged sword. Which is what I've been arguing, in opposition to your A), unblinking focus on Alito's factual statement that abortion is not expressly mentioned, and B), your demand that the right to abortion must be implicitly PROTECTED by the 9thA, while ignoring (to the point of editing out) the Court explaining its doctrine of applying the 14thA to recognize any constitutional PROTECTION under the 14thA (even for enumerated rights, see McDonald v Chicago) . . .
My criticism was focused on what YOU didn't say, not what Alito said.
I was condemning YOU for dropping off what is the actual determinative law that demands Roe be overturned; the Court's explanation of why the right to abortion cannot be considered a liberty interest under the due process clause of the 14thA.
No, that's what it actually says
.
, , and B), your demand that the right to abortion must be implicitly PROTECTED by the 9thA, while ignoring (to the point of editing out) the Court explaining its doctrine of applying the 14thA to recognize any constitutional PROTECTION under the 14thA (even for enumerated rights, see McDonald v Chicago) . . .
Yes, the right to abortion is neither explicitly stated / mentioned nor implicitly protected by any words or combination of words contained in ANY provision of the Constitution -- it is a double-edged sword. Which is what I've been arguing
in opposition to your A), unblinking focus on Alito's factual statement that abortion is not expressly mentioned
B), your demand that the right to abortion must be implicitly PROTECTED by the 9thA
The comma is there so Alito can connect and specifically and explicitly exclude, what the current defenders of Roe now wish to claim, that the 14thA's due process clause is where constitutional protection can be found . . .
You have no shame do you?
Easiest way to avoid people calling you a liar and disingenuous is to not be a disingenuous liar.
.
Yes, I know what that means, and I know it refutes what you have been arguing which leaves me puzzled why you are trying to embrace it now (other than you are a disingenuous liar) . . .
Correct, my comments were focused on you cutting out / deleting "the bolded at the end", which is the Court citing its 14thA due process doctrine which forces the conclusion that Roe and Casey must be overturned.
Problem is, the original Roe decision never defended abortion using or citing the Court's due process doctrine (refer to Renquist's dissent I quoted earlier) which again, harkens back to the 1930's and is not something Alito just threw together in 2022 for Dobbs, which is the crap you previously argued.
Easiest way to avoid people calling you a liar and disingenuous is to not be a disingenuous liar.
My statement is true and an honest assessment of your character and integrity.
It is a fact that you yourself admit that while my argument HAS been focused on the 14thA, your argument has never in any context included the 14thA, thus you consider my argument focused on what you call, the "bolded part", is irrelevant.
You said (and I replied to):
Now, being the disingenuous liar you are, you are embracing the Court's 14thA statements and doctrine . . . It's absurd and hilarious.
It is a fact that you have myopically focused on Alito saying that abortion is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution and represented that as being the "logic" of Alito's Dobbs opinion.
you are embracing the Court's 14thA statements and doctrine . . . It's absurd and hilarious.
It is a fact that abortion is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution.
It is a fact that that fact, that abortion is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution, is of little to no consequence or importance to the holding of Dobbs.
It is a fact that you have myopically focused on Alito saying that abortion is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution and represented that as being the "logic" of Alito's Dobbs opinion.
The 14th Amendment is not the Constitution?
But the 9th Amendment is??
An easy statement to make for a disingenuous liar who hasn't been considering the 14thA in any context in any of your arguments in this thread before these last two posts . . .
Yes what you "quoted" was from the syllabus, my criticism was you prefaced that "quotation" as being "His [Alito's] complete statement was, . . . "
That is a disingenuous lie because the syllabus is not the opinion, it is not written by any Justice, it is not citable and quotable as being the holding or the decision.
Do you know what the word “any” means? Do you?
The 14th Amendment is not the Constitution?
That is a disingenuous lie
The people who know that know that you do not quote any part of any syllabus as being any part of the opinion, or any part of the decision, or any part of the holding, and especially not as being any words spoken by any Justice of the Court.
So quote from the opinion.
But only if a right claimed to be a derivative of privacy can be shown to meet the Court's doctrine of recognition and protection.
You know, what you have decided should be edited out and deleted . . .
Is it your position that the 9thA is rigidly interpreted to only contemplate unenumerated rights?
Does the fact that the Court also uses that narrow doctrine -- asking whether a claimed right is “deeply rooted in [our] history and tradition” and whether it is essential to our Nation’s “scheme of ordered liberty" -- to decide the incorporation of enumerated rights, (see McDonald v Chicago), inform your opinion at all?
What did you claim Alito's "logic" was, to "conclude" that no federally recognized right to abortion exists (which was what Dobbs rested on)?
Oh yeah, you said . . . "my argument focused upon the Alito’s logic the “Constitution makes no express reference to a right to obtain an abortion” upon which Alito relied upon to conclude no such right exists."
To decide if a right is owed federal recognition and protection, "the Court has long asked whether the right is “deeply rooted in [our] history and tradition” and whether it is essential to our Nation’s “scheme of ordered liberty.”
Your opinion of this wide umbrella of "protection" demanded by the 9th Amendment is contradictory to the longstanding and well established narrow doctrine the Court uses to federally recognize and protect ALL rights under the 14thA.
How is it possible that some rights (e.g., the RKBA) that are enumerated were denied and disparaged by states for so long, if the 9thA has this wide "protection" aspect you claim (forcing federal powers to alter / repel state actions)?
Of course you said Alito relied on the fact the Constitution makes no reference to abortion to decide Dobbs, and only a disingenuous liar would claim the opposite now.
What did you claim Alito's "logic" was, to "conclude" that no federally recognized right to abortion exists (which was what Dobbs rested on)?
No, it doesn't.The current supreme court 9-0 disagrees with all of the bolded /quote
Proof:No, it doesn't.
Fake condemnation as you fail to comprehend what I’m arguing. The I never opined what is or isn’t “determinative law that demands Roe be overturned.” There is not a single line in any post of mine addressing what is or isn’t the “determinative law” for overturning Roe.
That wording by Alito Does not remotely come close to your phrase of “only means the Court must look elsewhere for a mechanism to recognize and protect the claimed right”
What Alito said is there’s nothing in the Constitution explicitly mentioning abortion or impliedly protecting abortion, and that by logical implication means the 9th doesn’t.
Neither does the next phrase AFTER the comma of “including the one on which the defenders of Roe and Casey now chiefly rely—the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.”
Mean your comment of “only means the Court must look elsewhere for a mechanism to recognize and protect the claimed right.”
To the contrary, Alito referred to the 14th not because the Court “MUST look elsewhere” but because of the “defenders or Roe and Casey chiefly” relied upon the 14th
The plain English is not consistent with your view of “only means the Court must look elsewhere for a mechanism to recognize and protect the claimed right.”
But go ahead, let’s read an argument by you as to how the plain English of “We hold that Roe and Casey must be overruled. The Constitution makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is implicitly protected by any constitutional provision, including the one on which the defenders of Roe and Casey now chiefly rely—the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment“
Means your remark of “only means the Court must look elsewhere for a mechanism to recognize and protect the claimed right.”
So, you do not understand the following phrase? The phrase the 14th amendment is not the Constitution.
Really?
Oh, because you say so? Because you can speak speculatively for “people”? Nonsense.
Especially since, guess what, part of the quote from the syllabus IS exactly from the opinion itself.
This begs the question whether this IS the standard for the 9th amendment.
Not really…there’s no logical conflict between those phrases such that both cannot be true. For such a contradiction to exist as you claim requires the assumption that doctrine for the 14th IS the same for the 9th and would also be the correct doctrine for the 9th. That hasn’t been determined.
Because the 9th originally applied only to the federal government.
Yes we know that or the hundredth time. We want you to support your claim, justifying why there should be change to recognize rights for the unborn. So far, just a scientific definition for legal status and rights fails. Period. You have not explained WHY there should be any CHANGE to current law.
No...it discusses who has rights recognized in the US, period. You dont understand it. It's clear that only the BORN or naturalized citizens are entitled to due process, etc. You are wrong.
No matter what CHANGES you want, that does not change the actual meaning of the 14th A and it has continually been interpreted to exclude the unborn. The Amendment would need to be repealed. What would justify that? You need an explanation founded in law.
Again, you have not explained why or how to CHANGE current law. You know the 5th does not apply to the unborn, since they are not persons or citizens. What is the justification to change that?
(C)
If the person engaging in the conduct thereby intentionally kills or attempts to kill the unborn child, that person shall instead of being punished under subparagraph (A), be punished as provided under sections 1111, 1112, and 1113 of this title for intentionally killing or attempting to kill a human being.
Would you care to justify the way in which this particular legal code defines the unborn as "human beings?"
I mean, I have an idea as to how you will attempt to circumvent it already, but I want to see if you at least admit that the code as stated contradicts your view that the unborn cannot be "persons or citizens." I believe an earlier post of yours claimed that damage to the unborn was comparable to damage to pets or somesuch. But if this code states that the umborn are human beings, then they are not comparable to pets, whether or not you grant the proposition that all human beings have rights-- which you won't.
They're saying that they'll use the same, existing penal code and punishment that they would use for human beings. I saw nowhere that they called the unborn a human being. As a matter of fact, they went out of their way to ALWAYS qualify 'child' with 'unborn.' Every time.
And they also had an entire paragraph explaining that and variations on it...all qualified with 'unborn.'
Can you quote where they called the unborn a human being? I mean, they were very careful to clarify exactly what they were referring to in the very last para. Or recognized any rights for it?
No contradiction. And definitely no right to life is recognized, since it explicitly says the pregnant woman can still kill it.
Yeah, just what I expected. You decided to read this straightforward statement that defines the crime-- that the slayer of the unborn will be punished for "intentionally killing or attempting to kill a human being"-- as mere metaphor.
knew that you would not accept anything less than the outright statement "an unborn child is a human being,"
and if you did encounter it, you probably would still find some way around it. Still, leyving the charge of human murder for the slaying of an unborn under the circumstances described is still rather different from the consequences for killing an animal, though, isn't it? Or do you renounce that earlier comparison?
It amuses me, though, that as a strategy to validate your beliefs, you attempt to "prove" that all relevant legal texts support your views.
It would be more realistic to say that your fancied unanimity is a chimera at best, given that different codes are formulated by different people who view the Law differently, just as we have seen demonstrated time and again on the Supreme Court. Why you don't just confine yourself to supporting those interpretations with which you agree, I neither know nor care. You can have the last word, though. I have a pretty good idea of how your rhetoric will go and there's no point in watching a foregone conclusion.
The U.S. Constitution largely doesn't grant rights, other than the right to vote. What it does is restrict the power of government. For example, the government cannot infringe on your right's to own firearms. The government cannot restrict your speech. The government cannot treat you unequally under the law.You obviously aren't thinking about what you post.
If it isn't in the US Constitution, then it cannot be a constitutional right by definition. It might be an individual right or an inherent right, but if it is not contained within the US Constitution then it cannot be a "constitutional right."
The US Constitution and the Bill of Rights are a product of the late-18th century actually, not the 17th.
There was never any specificity with regard to the number of inherent rights not contained within the US Constitution. It merely acknowledges that more inherent rights, besides those already listed, exist.The U.S. Constitution largely doesn't grant rights, other than the right to vote. What it does is restrict the power of government. For example, the government cannot infringe on your right's to own firearms. The government cannot restrict your speech. The government cannot treat you unequally under the law.
The 9th amendment makes it clear that there are other areas of your life that that government cannot interfere in, but these are too numerous to list in a constitution. What we have are largely not constitutional rights, but rather constitutional protections by limiting the power of government. The right to abortion wasn't a right, but rather a limit on the power of government to interfere in medical decisions about pregnancies prior to fetal viability. This stemmed from limits on the power of government to interfere in our private lives.
This is why Justice Thomas was the only consistent conservative justice in his opinion. You can't just pluck out abortion and leave all other restrictions on the governments power in our private lives. To be consistent, one has to argue that the government has virtually no restrictions when it comes to interfering in private lives, thus everything based on restrictions against the government interfering in our private lives would need to be looked again: Contraception, Sodomy laws and so on.
This is the problem with knee-jerk cultural conservatism. If you believe we have a right to privacy in that the government should be limited in it's ability to interfere in our private lives, then you can't let the government outlaw abortion before viability. If you don't believe we a have a right to privacy, then you open the door to the government being able to intrude into our private lives in all sorts of areas.