Whatever the decision I'm confident it will be a split one. The verdict maybe split also granting some immunity while not giving carte blanch. If Trump loses in regards to his particular take it will be due to one or two conservative judges voting against Trump.How the Supreme Court’s decision on Trump’s immunity could turn on a single question (CNN)
"The Supreme Court will likely produce thousands of words when it decides this year whether former President Donald Trump may claim immunity from special counsel Jack Smith’s election subversion charges.
The premise that Trump presents, that presidents must have absolute immunity, otherwise every president risks being charged with crimes as soon as they leave office has three glaring errors:
1. We have a history of over 200 years without any president needing immunity until Trump.
Secondly the President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. The idea there is no remedy for a wayward president isn't true. In order for a president, the leader of the country to be effective the office grants the president special powers and authority and immunity to an extent to be determined.2. It ignores the grand jury system (sufficient evidence to move forward with trial) as well and the jury system in which the prosecutors must prove beyond a reasonable doubt to a unanimous jury that the defendant committed a crime within their jurisdiction.
3. Trump's position pre-supposes that criminal prosecution of former president(s) is strictly political with no basis in criminal statutes.
The prospect of a future president, knowing he/she enjoys absolute immunity, being able to commit any crime, up to and including jailing or assassination of political rivals with no fear of consequences is ludacris on its face.
Many of them are the same people.There are people in this country who deny this could happen here, and there are people who would welcome it.
They didn't need it because they had immunity and therefore no filed lawsuits or criminal charges.
Secondly the President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. The idea there is no remedy for a wayward president isn't true. In order for a president, the leader of the country to be effective the office grants the president special powers and authority and immunity to an extent to be determined.
He can argue or pre-suppose anything he wants. Its a free country. Whether it meets the Supremes and constitutional scrutiny remains to be seen.
Ironic you bring up jailing political rivals. There are some who think the powers in office are trying their utmost to throw a political rival leading in the polls into jail. You'll claim its justified in this case but this is exactly what you worry about a president doing in the future. This is against Trump so hell yeah. As for the rest of it no, the president would be quickly impeached and removed from office.
Well, no. We have a history of over 200 years of Presidents committing crimes and/or conspiring to commit crimes and not being criminally charged for it after they leave office. We have one set of rules for over 200 years of Presidents and former presidents and a different set of rules for Donald Trump.The premise that Trump presents, that presidents must have absolute immunity, otherwise every president risks being charged with crimes as soon as they leave office has three glaring errors:
1. We have a history of over 200 years without any president needing immunity until Trump.
I’m not sure of the relevance of that complaint. Are you opposed to prosecutors cutting immunity deals with criminals?2. It ignores the grand jury system (sufficient evidence to move forward with trial) as well and the jury system in which the prosecutors must prove beyond a reasonable doubt to a unanimous jury that the defendant committed a crime within their jurisdiction.
I can’t say I blame him for that perspective given that elements of the Federal government and military conspired against him from day one and the DOJ’s actions in this case are unprecedented. Is it still paranoia when they really are out to get you?3. Trump's position pre-supposes that criminal prosecution of former president(s) is strictly political with no basis in criminal statutes.
That’s not a problem particular to this issue and we’ve seen it before in our country’s history.The prospect of a future president, knowing he/she enjoys absolute immunity, being able to commit any crime, up to and including jailing or assassination of political rivals with no fear of consequences is ludacris on its face.
What color is the sun on your home planet?Well, no. We have a history of over 200 years of Presidents committing crimes and/or conspiring to commit crimes and not being criminally charged for it after they leave office. We have one set of rules for over 200 years of Presidents and former presidents and a different set of rules for Donald Trump.
I’m not sure of the relevance of that complaint. Are you opposed to prosecutors cutting immunity deals with criminals?
I can’t say I blame him for that perspective given that elements of the Federal government and military conspired against him from day one and the DOJ’s actions in this case are unprecedented. Is it still paranoia when they really are out to get you?
That’s not a problem particular to this issue and we’ve seen it before in our country’s history.
There are some posters whose "contributions" are not even worth reading. They just clog up threads with worthless crap. I didn't even realize they'd posted until you responded.What color is the sun on your home planet?
My Take:
One can analyze the issues as questions. Although this immunity claim is presented in the framework of one case, it is applicable to multiple cases and I think that is why the Supreme Court took it (mostly to delay the trials). The real issue is much broader, but they placed markers about what disagreements exist among the Justices. The questions:
"Whether?" I think all of the Justices will acknowledge and reaffirm the existence of Presidential Immunity, although its existence is absent from the Constitution itself. This is a SCOTUS-created immunity, and they are not going to give it up, and for good reason, since it is ostensibly based upon the separation of powers. But... that question becomes less salient in this case, because the Executive branch (through DoJ) is taking action against the Executive. But, they have to engage the Judicial branch to do so.
"to what extent"? This is the key question that is going to occupy most of the opinions (I predict at least three). These will be determined by the ancillary questions.
"former president"? Right now, Trump is a former President. Distinctions can be made about his acts while in office, and those that occurred before (NY Stormy Daniels), during (Jan 6, Georgia) and after (Florida documents case). Even though this only involves one scenario, I think the Court will distinguish all of them, so they don't have to address them seriatim.
"conduct alleged"? This, again, is to distinguish, for example, between "retaining" documents, and "taking" documents (Florida); whether the pre-election actions in the Stormy Daniels case (keeping her under wraps) merged with post-election actions (making the payments)(NY); Pre-Jan 6 and post-Jan 20; campaign and official activities, and whether those were "during his tenure"?.
Finally, and most crucially, what were "official acts"? The gravamen of all of these cases is the scope of presidential power. This will, again, be the bulk of discussion in the opinions. Even the most "conservative" of the Justices will have to address this question, as what is swept within "official" is critical. I think this also indicates why the non-"conservative" Justices went along with taking it. This is also where most observers see a problem for Trump. Let's look at the cases in that light:
First, paying hush money is not an "official act", especially as it was from Trump's private funds, and the activity being covered up occurred prior to his presidency. See Clinton v. Jones.
Second, the Court will have to distinguish the Nixon cases - between civil immunity (Nixon v Fitzgerald - "The President's absolute immunity extends to all acts within the "outer perimeter" of his duties of office.") and criminal immunity (US v. Nixon - "Neither the doctrine of separation of powers nor the generalized need for confidentiality of high-level communications, without more, can sustain an absolute unqualified presidential privilege of immunity from judicial process under all circumstances.").
Third, the Court will have to address whether campaign activities are distinguishable from "official acts", and whether there is a colorable claim that engaging/interfering with State election processes is within presidential responsibilities.
"The question as posed by the Supreme Court allows them to answer it as a general proposition, and not specifically as to Trump and the DC case," Shipley wrote Thursday on X, formerly Twitter."
"If, as Shipley predicts,the Supreme Court court answers in only general terms, the case will likely go back to Judge Chutkan, who will hear legal argument from prosecution and defense lawyers on how she should interpret the Supreme Court's ruling."
I have no problem with Newsweek, although it is not the publication it used to be. As far as scenarios? Yeah, there are some possibilities, as they discuss.I hesitate to submit a Newsweek article, but at the bottom they throw in a few experts. The article describes a few possibilities, Do you think these are plausible scenarios? The idea is that if the USSC isn't focused on the merits, the case should proceed as soon as the intent of USSC is clear.
In the article they say:
"the Supreme Court court answers "
and that could be issued before the scheduled hearing in April.
Jack Smith's alternative in Trump presidential immunity case
The Supreme Court may address presidential immunity in very broad terms, leaving prosecutors enough space to put Trump on trialwww.newsweek.com
How much of this is likely or true?
Having seen how the Court majority manipulated the question in the Trump v. Anderson Opinion to block Trump's removal by any means, and noting that Thomas did not recuse himself, I am now of the opinion that this Court cabal will use every means possible to assist Trump in returning to power.
That includes slow-walking this case, and ultimately issuing an opinion that will allow him to engage in as much abuse of the system as is possible. It began in this case by asking and answering a question not before them which is intended to create as broad a path as possible. They intend to muddy the waters, as they are already doing.
I had thought that they were going to use this case as a vehicle to narrow the issue, but I now think it is far more nefarious than that. I think they are going to use it to spike all of the current prosecutions. I think they're going to start with issuing a decision to overturn the Jan 6 conviction in Fischer v. United States. I think they are going to use that case to overturn all of the 18 U.S. Code § 1512(c)(2) convictions for "obstructing an official proceeding" by narrowing the scope of the law to "investigations".
Then, in this case, they will expand the "outer perimeter" of "official action" to include Trump's behavior between the election and Jan 6. But - only of he wins.
I think it is now time to acknowledge that the "conservative"/revanchist cabal thinks it is time to strike. They are going to use that majority to eliminate all threats to Trump. They are fully on board with the fascist takeover. Moreover, it doesn't matter if Trump loses anyway, because they will use their power to block any Biden (or other Democratic) administration's effort to prosecute Trump or his supporters.
The coup is over. Democracy lost.
I'll be ecstatic to be proved wrong.
Rather than strike the law down directly, they will follow the path they have in several other arenas - they will "interpret it out of existence". They will narrow its scope to meaninglessness. I genuinely believe that they are intending to "interpret" 18 U.S. Code § 1512(c)(2) in such a way that none of the insurrectionists - including Trump - can be charged under that statute.You may be right that the USSC will keep him out of jail but you and I and voters everywhere can keep him out of office.
If the court overturns Fischer, would they also want to do the same as the phrase 'decision to strike the law down'? Is there a claim that something about the law is unconstitutional?
He is the only one on the DC bench to have interpreted the statute narrowly - indeed, even more narrowly - asserting that "The Court therefore concludes that § 1512(c)(2) must be interpreted as limited by subsection (c)(1), and thus requires that the defendant have taken some action with respect to a document, record, or other object in order to corruptly obstruct, impede or influence an official proceeding." It's a ridiculous interpretation of the language, but the one the Judge relied upon.(c) Whoever corruptly—
(1) alters, destroys, mutilates, or conceals a record, document, or other object, or attempts to do so, with intent to impair the object's integrity or availability for use in an official proceeding; or
(2) otherwise obstructs, influences, or impedes any official proceeding, or attempts to do so,
shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than 20 years, or both.
Wow. I didn't realize this until reading your posts. The clarification is much appreciated.Rather than strike the law down directly, they will follow the path they have in several other arenas - they will "interpret it out of existence". They will narrow its scope to meaninglessness. I genuinely believe that they are intending to "interpret" 18 U.S. Code § 1512(c)(2) in such a way that none of the insurrectionists - including Trump - can be charged under that statute.
They could say that "official proceeding" only included investigations, and that Congress' actions on Jan 6 were not "investigatory in nature", therefore the statute is inapplicable. This, despite the explicit definition of 18 U.S. Code § 1515:
(a)As used in sections 1512 and 1513 of this title and in this section—
(1)the term “official proceeding” means—
(A) a proceeding before a judge or court of the United States, a United States magistrate judge, a bankruptcy judge, a judge of the United States Tax Court, a special trial judge of the Tax Court, a judge of the United States Court of Federal Claims, or a Federal grand jury;
(B) a proceeding before the Congress;
Or they could adopt Judge Nichols' (a Trump-appointed Judge) interpretation of 18 U.S.C. § 1512(c)(2), which provides:
He is the only one on the DC bench to have interpreted the statute narrowly - indeed, even more narrowly - asserting that "The Court therefore concludes that § 1512(c)(2) must be interpreted as limited by subsection (c)(1), and thus requires that the defendant have taken some action with respect to a document, record, or other object in order to corruptly obstruct, impede or influence an official proceeding." It's a ridiculous interpretation of the language, but the one the Judge relied upon.
My concern, frankly, is the majority's penchant for expounding on ridiculous interpretations of statutes.
I think it is vital to the survival of democracy - not just in the United States, but around the world - that Trump be relegated to embarrassing history. But, I think mortal damage had already been done.You may be right that the USSC will keep him out of jail but you and I and voters everywhere can keep him out of office.
Tonight, after having reread the Trump v. Anderson opinions - and hearing that they have put off the immunity argument until the bitter end of the term - I am in a funk. I'm more convinced than ever that the SCOTUS cabal are actively protecting Trump from prosecution. Talk about election interference...If the court overturns Fischer, would they also want to do the same as the phrase 'decision to strike the law down'? Is there a claim that something about the law is unconstitutional?
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