• This is a political forum that is non-biased/non-partisan and treats every person's position on topics equally. This debate forum is not aligned to any political party. In today's politics, many ideas are split between and even within all the political parties. Often we find ourselves agreeing on one platform but some topics break our mold. We are here to discuss them in a civil political debate. If this is your first visit to our political forums, be sure to check out the RULES. Registering for debate politics is necessary before posting. Register today to participate - it's free!

Cuba’s bloggers are as sharp abroad as at home

Hundreds of East German government documents on Stasi relations with Cuba's own feared Ministry of the Interior, known as MININT, has been found in the Stasi archives.

The MININT is ''almost a carbon copy'' of the repressive Stasi security system, exported by East Germany to Cuba in the 1970s and '80s, and the ties between the two organizations run far deeper than previously known.
 
The Stasi taught the Cubans how to bug tourist hotel rooms, how to mount effective camera and wiretap systems for eavesdropping, delivered one-way mirrors used for interrogations and provided equipment to fabricate masks, mustaches and other forms of makeup, provided computers and introduced new archiving methods that better organized, protected and sped up the Cubans' processing of security information.
 
U.S. experts on Cuban security agencies agree with the Stasi role in Cuba: “East Germany had a major role in building up Cuban counterintelligence as well as its foreign intelligence services, providing training for decades . . . right up to the final days of East Germany,” said Chris Simmon, a career U.S. counterintelligence officer and expert on Cuban intelligence.

“'The repressive system that existed in East Germany . . . is the same one that exists today in Cuba,” he says. “What MININT learned from the Stasi has not been forgotten.”
 
When a security system has its own prisons, judges, lawyers and interrogators and no one controls them, as in the Castroit regime, then the state security is what's sustaining the Communist Party, and repression is what's sustaining the Castroit regime.
 
Jorge Luis Garcia Vázquez author of the blog STASI-MININT, is a Cuban exile living in Berlin. In his blog he provides lots of information about the relationship between the STASI & the MINIT. In his article “El Archivo del MININT y el asesoramiento de la STASI.” (The MININT Archive and the advise of the STASI), he provide the followings statistics (translation):

Until 1980 the MININT had prepared a total of:

2,088,571 records or documents of the State Security
6,056,847 records pertaining to Internal Order


This total quantity of documents: 8,145,418, was the main problem of the Minint, their classification, organization and conservation, especially of 160,000 pre-1959 records....

The Stasi report describes the exact location of the Archive, the status of the personal Card Index, which contains “all the Counterintelligence materials, for example the data on informants, operations carried out or documents of operational importance.”

In this card index alone were registered 4 million people with the following personal data: surname, first name, date of birth, gender, skin color, codified fingerprints and registration number....

The officers of the Stasi, who have came to have 180 kilometers of records and documents on their citizens, delivered gladly to their allies and students in political repression their experiences and technical resources, to monitor and liquidate any opposition or dissent.
Here you can read the whole document in Spanish: Stasi-Minint Connection
 
House deficit is estimated in 1.6 million units. 75% of the units in existence are over 40 years old, and 60% of the total is in bad or average condition according to the Cuban National Housing Institute.

During the last 50 years the construction of new houses has been dismal. The regime statistics in the construction of new houses are cooked. This suspicion is validated by Former Vice-Minister Carlos Lage who near the beginning of 2009 revealed that less than half of the 111,300 housing units claimed built in 2006 were in fact built.

The 2002 census data show that of the new housing units built between 1990 and 2002, close to 50,000 were bohíos and adobe structures (primitive dwellings with palm bark walls, earthen floors and palm leave roofs; adobe, mud bricks walls, earthen floors and palm leave roofs}. Those can’t be classified as adequate housing.
 
The Castroit regime newspaper Juventud Rebelde reported in April 2008 that in the city of Havana alone 28,000 people resided in buildings about to collapse. The expansion of slums (shanty towns, shelters) in the city has increased 50%, sheltering as many as 450,000 inhabitants, 20% of the city 2.2 million. It is very common that 3 generations live in a single house. This is the fundamental reason why the people occupy terraces, balconies, porches, sidewalks, and build mezzanines, to gain space. This has created a grave social problem for the regime.
 
The Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas (ONE) estimated in 33,901 the number of houses terminated in 2010, of which 12,214 were built by individuals and the rest by the state.

The construction of dwellings, around 35,000 units annually, not only aren’t enough to solve the housing deficit, but not even for replacing the losses by diverse causes. No signs of improvement are seeing in the future for the housing problem under the Castroit regime.
 
Like Paul McCartney concert in Red Square in May 2003 before a crowd of 100,000, where the Beatles were previously banned by the Communist dictatorship, Bono will performed in Havana in a free Cuba in front of a much larger audience.
 
During the decade of the 60’s, under the Castroit regime, the use of tie pants, long hair Beatles’ style and their music was considered an ideological deviation of the revolutionary principles. The young Beatle fans of that time were persecuted, ex pulsed from educational centers and send to the Military Units to Help Production (UMAP) forced labor camps along with dissidents, homosexuals, and other “scum” who had committed no crime punishable by law, revolutionary or otherwise.
 
Education in Cuba before 1959

The first United States intervention worked to replace the war-ravished educational system with one based on American models (a pattern followed until the Revolution of 1959)

After the first American intervention school teaching took an enormous stride forward thanks to the great work of Enrique Jose Varona who stirred up school and university education. Varona was an able guide and rendered his country a great service.

By 1925 8,854 teachers in 4,202 schools were teaching 426,413 children, the highest proportion of children in school in Latin America, and Cuban educators were serving as advisers in several other countries of the region. There were, however, few schools in the countryside, where half the population lived.

President Fulgencio Batista in the late thirties improved the primary and secondary education with the creation of the so called civic military schools in rural areas with army sergeants as teachers, and the "Civic-Military Institutes" at secondary level in 1940.

Elementary education was compulsory for children between 6 and 14 years of age. In the 1950s, there were 1,206 rural schools in Cuba and a system of mobile libraries with 180,000 volumes used predominantly in the rural areas. The total number of kindergartens and primary schools were 12,640, of which 900 were private schools (324 catholic schools).
 
In 1958 Cuba had 34,000 teachers in public schools and 3,500 in 900 officially recognized private schools, educating a total of 1,346,800 students, of which 90,000 were in private school (68,000 enrolled in catholic schools) [1]. The public school system covered from kindergarten up to High School.

There were also 171 high schools with an enrolment of 49,200 students. Also 114 institutions of higher education, below the university level; among them were technical institutes, polytechnic and professional schools, which were financed by the government. Just in 1958, these institutions graduated 38,428 students. In 1958, the island's illiteracy rate was 18%.

Another 165 private high schools had an enrollment of 36,280 students, for a total of 85,480 students in high school. The number of universities reached 6, 3 state universities and 3 privates. There were 25,000 students enrolled in the universities. The total number of students at all levels was 1,495,700. This data is found in the archives of Cuba's Ministry of Education.

[1] En el último año de aquella república, Abreu Ramiro, Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, La Habana, 1984
 
Cuba has had one of the most literate populations in Latin America since well before the Castroit revolution. Cuba national illiteracy rate was 18% in 1958, ranking third in Latin America.

Cuba was the Latin American country with the highest budget for education in 1958, with 23% of the total budget earmarked for this expense. It was followed by Costa Rica (20%), and Guatemala and Chile, each with 16%. This data comes from America in Statistics, published by the Pan American Union.

The female percentage, in relation to the total student population, was the highest in the Western Hemisphere including the US. According to the United Nations Statistics Division yearbook of 1959, shows Cuba having 3.8 university students per 1,000 inhabitants, well above the Latin America median of 2.6.

Many Cuban textbook were incorporated by several Latin American as official textbooks on their school systems. Cuban texts books exported to those countries, brought $10 million revenue in 1958.
 
From 1899 to 1958 the illiteracy rate dropped from 72% (Census of 1899) to 18% (Cuba's Ministry of Education archives) for persons older than 10 years of age, a remarkable achievement. Cubans were not just literate but also educated.

There is a pattern from the Castroit regime to inflate the percentage of illiterates prior to 1959, by using the illiteracy rate of the 1953 census of 23.6%. Fidel Castro on December 17, 1960, in the CMQ-TV program "Meet the Press" affirmed that “The illiteracy rate in our country is 37.5%.” In the Central Report to the First Congress of the Party in 1975, Fidel said that “on the date of the Moncada (1953), 23.6% of the population over 10 years was illiterate.” [1]. In spite of what Fidel said, the document "V Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba in October 1997, referring to the period before 1959 says “a country with more than 40 per cent of illiterates.” [2]

The regime eventually acknowledge the real number, which indicated that in 1961 from a total of 929,207 identified as illiterates, 707,212 were taught to read and write; 221,995 did not acquire these skills. [3]

In 1961 the population over 10 years was 5.15 million, and the number of illiterates 929,207. The actual illiteracy rate based on the regime figures was 18 %, the same percentage than in 1958. It is obvious the cooking of the figures by the regime.

[1] Fidel Castro Ruz: Informe Central al Primer Congreso del Partido. Editado por el DOR del Comité Central del PCC, Habana, Cuba, 1975, p. 27.

[2] Granma Internacional 1997, Documento fundamento del V congreso del Partido Comunista Cubano

[3] Verde Olivo (Havana), August 16, 1968, pp. 40-43 - En ese año se habían localizado 979.207 analfabetos y de ellos se habían alfabetizado 707.212; de la población cubana, entonces estimada en 6.933.253 habitantes, quedaban sin alfabetizar 271.955
 
The good thing about Yoani Sanchez website is the capacity to bring out into the open the pathetic Pro-Castro fellow travelers who support the Stalinist regime in Cuba from the comfort of their own arm chairs in the US and other countries. Keep posting Yoani, sock it to them, gives your versions of events in Cuba as you see them.
 
The Castroit regime has for many years been treating the health care personnel as “exportable commodities.” It is a modern day version of trafficking in human beings, a multi billion dollars form of international crime, a violation of human rights. The regime earns around $6 billion per year exporting professional services, especially doctors, to other countries, more than the $5.6 billion brought by tourism, nickel and remittances together

There are a total of 76,000 Cuban doctors. According to MINSAP, 40,000 Cuban doctor’s work oversees. From 2003 to 2012, it is estimate that 4,000 physicians left Cuba. This left at 32,000 the numbers of doctors in Cuba. Of those, near 10% quit their profession to work in more lucrative jobs, leaving only 28,800 working in their profession. The regime has acknowledged that there is a shortage of doctors and nurses in Cuba. The vice minister of public health, Joaquín García Salaberría, took the highly unusual step of admitting on Cuban television that there were shortages of doctors and nurses. The World Health statistics 2013, based in the data submitted by the Castroit regime, estimate in 67.2 the number of physicians per 10,000 population. This is equal to one doctor for every 149 people. But the real per capita of practicing doctors in Cuba is one doctor for every 389 people.
 
One of the most readily apparent problems with the health care system in Cuba is the severe shortage of medicines, equipment, and other supplies. Even the most common pharmaceutical items, such as aspirin and antibiotics are conspicuously absent or only available on the black market, and patients need to provide bed sheets and food during hospital stays.

This problem is by no means limited to the health sector. Cubans often have tremendous difficulty obtaining basic consumer goods and other necessities, including food.
 
Many treatments we take for granted aren't available at all, except to the Communist elite, foreigners with dollars, and top members of the repressive apparatus and the armed forces. For those, the Castroit regime keeps hospitals equipped with the best medicines and most modern technologies. And, whatever is left, is for the rest of the population, the have not.
 
Corruption has been a chronic problem for the Castroit tyrannical regime, it institutionalized corruption. As the political power and control of the economy became increasingly concentrated in the hands of the totalitarian ruling class, consumer-good shortages and inefficiencies in resource allocation led to black-market activities.

After more than five decades of tyrannical rule and with the promise of material prosperity vanished by the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, corruption became prevalence, and more and more Cubans became proficient at trading on the black market whatever they could steal from the regime.
 
The inevitable changes toward a more open political regime likely to follow Fidel Castro's eventual death, the regime ruling elite has begun to prepare the ground for a wholesale assault on the country's patrimony to safeguard its own economic well-being.

The recent appearance of grand-scale corruption among high-ranking political elite is not very different from what was observed in most former communist countries. The level of corruption depends on the degree of monopoly exercised by the regime over the supply of goods and services, the degree of discretion enjoyed by government agencies in making resource-allocation decisions, and the degree of accountability. The regime ownership of productive facilities results in a lack of identifiable ownership and widespread misuse and theft of state resources.
 
Corruption is widespread, workers steal from the government enterprises where they work, bribing their bosses to get the goods out of the workplace and resell them in the black market.

There is a high degree of corruption, fraud and public use of funds by the party apparatchiks. Managers of state enterprises divert good to sell on the black market. In June 2011, fifteen top executives of Cubana de Aviación were sentenced to prison for fraud. In April the vice president of Habanos S.A. and 10 others employees were under arrest for selling cigars illegally to foreign distributors. Pedro Alvarez, former head of Alimport, under investigation for corruption, escaped from the island in late December 2010. In August 2012, three vice-ministers and another nine state official of the Moa nickel plant were sentenced to prison in corruption scandals.
 
The Castroit state-run monopolies, cronyism, and absence of responsibility have made the island one of the world's most corrupt nations. This type of corruption where favors are provided to the political elite, has permeated all levels of the ruling class, the “new class” according to Milovan Djilas definition. He delineated the “new class” of rulers as "those who have special privileges and economic preferences because of the administrative monopoly they hold." This “new class” that ferociously protects its privileges and status, is suspicious of those actions that could weaken its power. The ruling class will defend it to the end.
 
Re: C. Corruption under the Castroit reguba’s bloggers are as sharp abroad as at home

Corruption under the Castroit regime is a logical consequence of its economical structure. Under Cuba's current military regime it is not possible to eradicate corruption. In order to eradicate corruption in Cuba, it is necessary to first end the totalitarian rule of the regime. It is difficult to predict the future, but I am confident that Cuba will evolve toward a democracy with a market-oriented economy, probably with an important role for the state in social sectors such as health and education.
 
Re: C. Corruption under the Castroit reguba’s bloggers are as sharp abroad as at home

The regime doesn’t pay enough because it claim workers are not very productive. Those workers who are pay little steal from the government what is necessary for them to survive. Since the means of production “belongs to the people”, they are not stealing from themselves, they are stealing from the “Tyrannosaurus reserves.”
 
Re: C. Corruption under the Castroit reguba’s bloggers are as sharp abroad as at home

Those which are producing less because the job of 2 is made by 3, are been lay off. The so call “revolutionary” are left on the job and the “productive” end up without work. Is that the regime solution to the problem? For sure that will create even a bigger problem.

Private Property will solve the problem, since people will not steal from themselves. People will be making more money and also will be interested on the good outcome of their business. They will work because they need and want to, not because the regime commands them. That is the main problem with the Castroit regime.
 
Cookies are required to use this site. You must accept them to continue using the site. Learn more…