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I suggest you read the info on her, she has an amazing story, not to mention being at Harvard law and passing with honors (which means she is really really smart and knows the law really really well.)
We are seeing exemplary nominees unnecessarily delayed for months, and vacancies persist into judicial emergencies. We are seeing outstanding nominees nitpicked, probed, and delayed to the point where one wonders why any man or woman would subject themselves to such a process or even allow themselves to be nominated for a Federal judgeship.
Instead of reforming the confirmation process to make it more respectful of the privacy of the nominee, something that we all claim we want to do, the Republican majority in the Senate is moving decidedly in the other direction. They are approaching the imposition of political litmus tests, which some have openly advocated under the guise of opposing judicial activism, even though some of these same Members were the ones who said that nobody should impose a litmus test on judges .
Even conservatives like Bruce Fein, in his recent opinion column in the New York Times, reject this effort. Actually, so do the American people. We have not had a time when any President or any Senate should be asked to impose litmus tests on an independent judiciary.
I recommend my colleagues read the excellent commentary by Nat Hentoff on this new political correctness that appeared in the April 19, 1997, edition of the Washington Post. I have spoken in broad generalities, although each are backed up by dozens of cases. But let me be specific on one.
The nomination of Margaret Morrow to be a Federal judge for the Central District of California is an example of the very shabby treatment accorded judicial nominees. The vacancy in this Federal court has existed for more than 15 months, and the people in central California--Republican, Democrat, Independent--are being denied a most needed, and in this case a most qualified, judge.
Ms. Morrow's nomination is stuck in the Senate Judiciary Committee again. I am appalled by the treatment that Margaret Morrow has received before the Judiciary Committee. Ms. Morrow first came before the Judiciary Committee for a hearing and she was favorably and unanimously reported by the committee in June of 1996, almost exactly a year ago--a year ago less a couple of weeks. Then her nomination just got caught in last year's confirmation shutdown and she was not allowed to go through. So she has to start the process all over again this year.
Let me tell you about Margaret Morrow. She is an exceptionally well qualified nominee.
She was the first woman president of the California Bar Association, no small feat for anybody, man or woman. She is the past president of the Los Angeles County Bar Association. She is currently a partner at the well-known firm of Arnold & Porter, and she has practiced law for 23 years. She is supported by the Los Angeles Mayor Richard Riordan, who, incidentally, is Republican, and Robert Bonner the former head of the Drug Enforcement Administration under a Republican administration. Representative James Rogan from the House joined us during her second confirmation hearing and, of course, she is backed and endorsed by both Senators from California.
Despite her qualifications, she is being made an example, I am not quite sure of what, but this woman who has dared to come forward to be a Federal judge is being made an example before the Senate Judiciary Committee.
At her second hearing before the committee on March 18, even though she already has gone through a committee hearing and even though the committee last year unanimously voted to confirm her with every single Republican and every single Democrat supporting her, even though she had gone through it once before, she was made to sit and wait until all the other nominees were questioned, as though she were being punished. `We have these men who want to be heard, and even though you had to do this before, you, woman nominee, sit in the back and the corner.' She was then subjected to round after round of repetitive questioning.
Then came a series of written questions from several members, and they were all Republican members of the committee. I objected when Ms. Morrow was asked about her private views on all voter initiatives on the ballots in California for the last decade. Basically, she was being asked how did she vote in a secret ballot in the privacy of a voting booth on 160 initiatives on the ballot in California over the last 10 years.
I defy any Member of the Senate, if they were given a list of 160 items in their local elections, State elections, that have been on the ballot over the last 10 years, to be able to honestly say how they voted on every single one of those. But even before they got to the question of could they say how they voted, I would stand up and say, `What has the Senate stooped to when we ask people how they voted in a secret ballot?"
When I challenged the question, it was revised so as to demand only her private views on 10 voter initiatives on issues ranging from carjacking to drive-by shootings to medical use of marijuana and the retention election of Rose Bird as chief justice of the California Supreme Court.
Ms. Morrow previously stated she did not take public positions on these voter initiatives, so asking for her private views necessarily asked how she voted on them. We are, thus, quizzing nominees on how they voted in their home State ballot initiatives. Why we need this information, even if we were allowed to follow someone into the ballot box and see how they voted--something none of us would allow anybody to do to us--even if we are allowed, to say while we would not do it to any of us, we would do it to this woman.
Why do we need this information to determine if she is qualified? In fact, she explained to the committee that she is not anti-initiative, and in response to written questions, she discussed an article she wrote in 1988 and explained:
"My goal was not to eliminate the need for initiatives. Rather, I was proposing ways to strengthen the initiative process by making it more efficient and less costly, so it could better serve the purpose for which it was originally intended. At the same time, I was suggesting measures to increase the Legislature's willingness to address issues of concern to ordinary citizens regardless of the views of special interests or campaign contributors. I don't believe these goals are inconsistent.
The initiative process was a reform championed by California Governor Hiram Johnson in 1911 to ensure that the electorate had a means of circumventing the Legislature when it could or would not pass legislation desired by the people because of the influence of special interests. As envisioned by Governor Johnson and others, the initiative was designed to complement the legislative process, not to substitute for it. This is my understanding of the role of the initiative process, and this is what I had in mind when I wrote the 1988 article. The reasons that led Governor Johnson to create the initiative process in 1911 are still valid today, and it remains an important aspect of our democratic form of Government."
I ask, Mr. President, does that response sound like somebody who is antidemocratic? Yet, she has been forced to answer questions about how she views the initiative process in written questions and, again, in revised follow-up written questions over the period of the last month.
Again, I remind everybody, this is a woman who was voted out unanimously last year by the committee. No objective evaluation of the record can yield the conclusion that she is anti-initiative. No fair reading of her 1988 article even suggests that. I might add, parenthetically, and what should be the only really important question, there is nothing in her record that suggests she would not follow the precedents of the court of appeals for her district or the U.S. Supreme Court. There is nothing to suggest that she does not believe in stare decisis or that she would not follow it.
Recently, I received a letter from a distinguished California attorney, and a lifelong Republican, who wrote to protest the unfair treatment being accorded Margaret Morrow. He wrote that he was `ashamed of [his] party affiliation when [he sees] the people's elected representatives who are Republicans engaging in or condoning the kind of childish, punitive conduct to which Ms. Morrow is being subjected.' He asks us to stop permitting the harassment of this nominee. I join with this distinguished Republican, and I ask the same thing: Stop harassing this nominee. I don't care if the harassment is because she is a woman, I don't care if the harassment is based on some philosophical difference, the fact of the matter is, she is one of the most qualified people I have seen before the committee in 22 years, Republican or Democrat, and she ought to be voted on and confirmed with pride--with pride--by the U.S. Senate.
We have heard nothing but praise for Ms. Morrow from those who know her and those who worked with her and litigated against her. In fact, the legal community in and around Los Angeles is, frankly, shocked that Margaret Morrow is being put through this ordeal and has yet to be confirmed. The Los Angeles Times has already published one editorial against the manner in which the Senate is proceeding with the Morrow nomination. I ask, to what undefined standard is she being held? What is this new standard --it is kind of hidden--which has never shown up before? It has not shown up for any male nominee that I know of.
This was printed into the record. Souce-Women's Lawyers